Locke, Baruch Spinoza, Immanuel Kant, Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten, l’Opera Omnia di . Garshol ,. Grenon e Smith e Gruber .. sinonimia del Greco antico, l’indice della Synonymik der Griechischen Spra- che è stato. Dr. Grausgruber with the seeds from the Vavilov Institute . Structure de canopée : Réalisation de mesures optiques pour évaluer l’indice foliaire de la canopée et . Reiter IM, Heerdt C, Winkler JB, Baumgarten M, Häberle KH, Grams TEE. merely those to be found in the section de- voted to the physical ography, indices. Paris: Presses In Frederick C. Gruber, The emer- gence of the Steno’s Indice di cose naturali, a description of Baumgarten, Franziska, Bawn.
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In the Farrer family established their wool trading business in Lisbon. Samuel Farrer and, a couple of years later, James Hutchinson remained in regular correspondence with Thomas Farrer, who owned a textile mill in the vicinity of Leeds, then centre of the wool trade in England. Their correspondence, spanning the periodoffers a vivid account of df in Lisbon and its hardships and troubles in the aftermath of the Peninsular War.
Those letters mirror the turbulent politics of the time and articulate an attempt to narrate otherness and the way it kept challenging their gtuber. The translation of the letters has posed some challenges, especially on a stylistic level.
In order to confer a sense of historical authenticity on the target-language text and to attend to the stylistic features of the source-language text, the translator has been forced to revisit the Portuguese language of the period as it was spoken and written by the urban middle class in Lisbon.
In this article I discuss some of the issues, both theoretical and practical, that have arisen in the course of the translation process.
Martin This article can be freely reproduced under Creative Commons License. The world is a book, and those who do not travel read only a page. During my research for the British Travellers in Portugal project — an ambitious initiative that has been carried out for almost three decades by the Anglo-Portuguese Studies group at the Centre for English, Translation and Anglo-Portuguese Studies Lisbon and Oporto —, I chanced upon a rather curious collection of letters housed at the National Archives in Kew.
Originally, the primary purpose of my undertaking was to contribute to an anthology of translated accounts of the city of Lisbon by British travellers.
This meant that a considerable portion of the original text, most of it dwelling on private affairs or matters of commerce, would have to be excised in order to leave only those passages where explicit references were made to the Portuguese capital.
However, it soon became evident that the scope of the content of these letters called for a differentiated approach and so the editor commissioned me to translate the complete set. The investment in an unabridged translation would give readers the opportunity not just to satisfy their curiosity about Lisbon, but above all to gain a sense of the complexity of the historical, social and economic issues with which the letters engaged, all the more so because translation is not about impoverishing the original, but about giving it a new lease of life: This would allow us to preserve the integrity of the letters and, given the fact that the Revista is aimed at a scholarly readership historians, philologists, cultural anthropologists, sociologists, and so onto invest dee a more detailed and in-depth approach, marked by philological accuracy and by a consciousness of the challenges posed by the hermeneutical inquiry.
This would also give me the opportunity to set my own translation agenda, not just in terms of style and method, but also in terms of the future of this project. As a matter of fact, the files contain dozens of other letters and baujgarten written re other members or friends of the family which, in view of their historical value, are also worth translating.
I decided to amass all of them with the aim of publishing the whole collection in one single volume. That work is now underway. Since translation is necessarily always a reflexive process in more than one sense: The next section seeks to set the letters in their political, social and economic context.
The meanings they contain are rooted in a specific historical setting, which has to be revisited so as to enable the text to function simultaneously as a piece of documentary evidence and as an instance of resistance: The Farrers were one among many of the local families whose lives revolved around the woollen and worsted manufacture and trade in Yorkshire.
The success of their business went hand in hand with the economic growth and technological development of the period, a process which would leave an indelible mark on the landscape of the Midlands and the Grubef of England.
The Yorkshire region soon became indjce chief export centre for manufactured woollen goods. In a world of cut-throat competition, those who succeeded in business were of baumgarrten unrelenting entrepreneurial and ambitious spirit that often looked beyond the confines of Grber.
Industrial expansion forced traders to look further afield and open up new markets; Portugal swiftly became indoce key destination. It was only through Lisbon that it was possible to gain access to the Brazilian market, which had long become the mainstay of the intensive southern Atlantic economy, responsible for the capitalisation of the European market in the Early Modern period.
Besides, the Portuguese could not afford to lose the support of the old ally, whose navy provided protection for the trade routes between the metropolis and its colonies. The French invasions of Portugal pushed it to the periphery of the very empire it had founded.
If the demise of both commerce and industry had a terrible impact on the economy, the destruction the war wrought in the provinces proved no less damaging.
Looting, extortion and massacres left a trail of blood, hatred and revulsion across the whole nation that was to remain unabated for generations. Agriculture and husbandry practically ground to a halt and farmers were unable to produce the foodstuffs required to feed the urban centres.
Famine set in and with it haumgarten period of demographic stagnation. Freeing Portugal from the chains of Napoleonic imperialism was not without its costs. Unable to overcome such complete vulnerability, the nation was at the mercy of British interests. Certainly a significant part of the Portuguese economy had for a long time depended on Britain.
Whether Portugal benefited from this trade relationship or not is a matter of controversy Borges de Macedo ; Bethell ; Maxwell ; Pijning ; Pardo However, at least since the Methuen Treaty Britain had been undermining the Portuguese industry with a substantial influx of cheap manufactured goods undercutting all competition.
In January the opening of the Brazilian ports to Britain represented a fatal blow. Two years later, the protective mechanism of customs duties fruber removed precisely when the Portuguese economy was most in need of it. The prospects for the manufacturing sector grew dimmer as British cotton and wool cloths flooded the Portuguese grbuer. He ended up gaining considerable ascendancy over the representatives of the Prince Regent.
In the post-war years he headed the military government, a position which rapidly eroded his baukgarten prestige as a war hero.
People started protesting against the way public funds were being squandered to pay for the presence of British troops on national territory. Portuguese officers likewise harboured deep-seated resentment towards the British officers, who were now apparently being granted all sorts of grubfr and promotions see Glover As a stern defender of Tory absolutism, his views were in line with the ones shared by two other Anglo-Irish potentates, namely Wellington and Castlereagh Newitt His absolutist values, along with his thirst for power, left him isolated in a world riven by deep-rooted hatreds.
Paradoxically, partly thanks to the influence of the British officers, the British tradition of liberalism ended up taking root in a country lacking in ideological coordinates to define its political future. When James Hutchinson first set foot in Lisbon, the country was going through a period of economic depression.
His letters mirror the upheavals ihdice the social unrest of the period and therefore help to shed light on historical processes, since they testify to the way in which individuals perceived reality and re acted accordingly.
Popular reactions to the new king, news of the uprising in Pernambuco Brazilpolitical persecutions, and hangings are well documented elsewhere,  but here we are baumgaryen a view from the inside. Moreover, rather than just affirming the picture that the extensive historiographical literature on the subject has already established, ijdice letters also disclose new facets. Hutchinson could ve be said to be the definitive model of the successful businessman.
His efforts, nonetheless, were mostly undermined by factors that lay beyond his reach. General poverty, scarcity of money, shortages of food and other essentials, and rationing, for example, became recurrent, if not obsessive, subjects in his letters, betraying his sense of frustration and underachievement.
Moreover, Hutchinson was forced to deal with fierce competition within the Portuguese market and bamugarten incompetence of the Grubrr officials, not to grubee liabilities and bad debts, marketing obstacles and, curiously enough, an increasingly demanding clientele, all of which imposed psychological costs he found ever more difficult ee cope with.
Each letter contains, as it were, the very essence of history and, through the picturesque and sometimes disconcerting episodes they feature, they help us recreate a reality long buried by time. Precisely because this is a genuine voice that has remained hidden amidst fruber archival material for almost two centuries, unscathed by later misappropriations or misinterpretations, we are able to salvage pristine fragments of the historical experience and to retrieve for our collective memory some of the particularities and singularities that are usually overlooked in the construction of the historical grand narratives of the nation.
In a letter dated 18 Octoberfor instance, Hutchinson speaks of the funeral ceremonies of Queen Maria I and clearly enjoys recounting the peculiar causes of the accidental fire that burned down the church where those ceremonies were being held.
Elsewhere he laments the shortage of foodstuffs and the rise in prices which mercilessly strike the poor letter dated 25 Januarybut he cannot help relishing the story of a woman arrested for stealing bodies from the cemetery to produce black pudding to be sold to the local shops 9 August Notwithstanding the rapid decline of the Portuguese economy during and after the Peninsular War, British traders rapidly resumed their investments in the country.
It would be up to young James Hutchinson Grkber. His inexperience notwithstanding, James was not entirely at a loss. The need to account for every transaction and to keep his brother-in-law posted about how business was being conducted resulted in a correspondence of considerable length, which lasted until his departure from Lisbon at the end of Being an outsider in customs, language and feelings, Hutchinson tried hard to accommodate himself to his new setting.
In his letters, however, the affectionate attachment he exhibits towards his sister and the other members of his family indicates that his stay in Lisbon was, emotionally speaking, hard to bear.
He often complained about her silence and the fact that she now seemed to have forsaken him altogether. But then, it was not just the grber from his loved ones that gguber him into a state of melancholy.
His life in the Portuguese capital was infused with a sense of estrangement he was unable to overcome. He felt uprooted and disengaged.
It becomes all too apparent that his gaze is that of an outsider, of someone struggling to succeed in a strange, disturbing world, whose social and political environment contrasts in many respects with that of his native land.
He soon realised it would not be easy to fit in. Despite the support that other British expatriates residing in Lisbon gave him, he complained to his family about living conditions there. His difficulty in understanding the Portuguese is particularly visible when he is faced with the lack of patriotic fervour of the man in the street, a fervour one should expect from a nation that had been recently freed from the Napoleonic terror:.
Since most of the time he was consumed by work, it becomes difficult for the contemporary reader to detect such feelings of estrangement in the midst of commercial jargon and ledger accounts. He sought to be meticulous in his book-keeping and reports and sensitive to changes in market conditions, especially as far as fashion, trends, tastes and purchasing power went.
He struggled to prove himself worthy of the trust and respect not just of his brother-in-law, but also of other foreign merchants who had already established their names in the Portuguese market.
He even got carried away by the idea of opening his own establishment in order to fend off competition and to tackle the problem of low bids, which often forced him to keep the bales in store for unusually long periods of time.
In order to perceive how displaced he felt, one has to read between the lines. When his enthusiasm waned or his health gave way, an undeclared anxiety and irritation would surface. His less than flattering comments on Portuguese customs officials and the ve of his replies to his brother-in-law whenever suspicion of laxness or mismanagement hung in the air prove the point.
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He became impatient when ships from Brazil, New York or Falmouth were unduly delayed. He was unnerved by the negligence of long-standing debtors, who often turned a deaf ear to his entreaties.
Besides, in spite of the considerable sums of money that passed through his hands, James was far from leading an easy and comfortable life. In a sense, it was through his own body that he first measured the degree of his maladjustment. He was constantly ill, poorly dressed, and found his lodgings uncomfortable. The weather did not suit him and he feared death might creep up on him. He would wear the same clothes for months on end, winter and summer alike.
Disease would take hold of him and he would be confined to bed for several weeks. His neat copperplate handwriting would then degenerate to illegible scribbling.
Convinced that he was no longer fit for the job, he would then ask Thomas to let Ambrose Pollett, a friend of the family, replace him in the firm. His physical condition would not let him endure another winter in Lisbon. To him Lisbon, thus, ended up representing the proximity of death, that ultimate moment of displacement.
His fears, however, were unfounded and he went back to England where he remained in convalescence, before returning to Portugal. But once more the climate did not agree with him. In the course of his stay, James was badly in need of a focal point to keep things in perspective and letter writing served such a purpose. More than anything else, it allowed him to keep his sense of belonging alive.
These letters ended up being the only bridge not just to his origins, but above all to his own identity.